The Slaughter of Cities
/E. Michael Jones was recently banned from Amazon, a rare and laser-specific strike to censor books. What is so scary to the elite about books like E. Michael Jones’ 600-page Slaughter of Cities is that it disassembles several foundational myths both local to Jones’ life in Irish American Philadelphia - like the life of Irish American historian Dennis J. Clark - and myths that are nationwide like the mainstream view on the movement to insert blacks into ethnic neighborhoods that revved up in the 1960s and the true impact of actors like Martin Luther King (born Martin King).
The main thesis of the book is that the east-coast White Anglo Saxon Protestant WASP elite pressured blacks to move into ethnic Catholic neighborhoods through the use of front organizations (government, nonprofit, “religious,” etc.), knowing that the ethnics would then disperse into the suburbs, where it would be easier to control and assimilate them.
E. Michael Jones identifies the east coast WASP with Jewish allies as the main pushers of the strategy and discusses the work of characters like WASP Paul Blanshard (who wrote “American Freedom and Catholic Power”) and Jewish University of Chicago sociologist/urbanist Luis Wirth. The ultimate end of the sociological work of these two, it could be then argued, was the slaughter of American cities to maintain the east-coast Protestant hegemony in the corridors of American power. Today the ideological descendants of this elite still control the great corporations and threaten you with the stick if you do not celebrate homosexuality above all human values or pander to the left-aligned delinquency and destructiveness of certain African Americans.
In contrast to this disgusting state of affairs, Catholicism was once a potent force in this and other Western countries. Catholicism is the last remaining large denomination of Christianity in the United States that focuses on the worship of Jesus of Nazareth. Some other independent churches, Protestant or otherwise, are devoted to Jesus in the American South and other pockets. But the United States has become the home of some most-degenerated sects, like the Episcopalians that fly homosexual flags and the heretic Mormons.
E. Michael Jones argues that ethnicity and Catholicism are one-and-the-same and that Ireland and Poland wouldn’t be nations as they are today if it were not for the influence of the Catholic religion. And as early as the 1844 Philadelphia riots in the neighborhood of Kensington, Protestants in the US saw Irish Catholics as a threat.
Especially by the 1950s and 1960s, the WASP/Jewish goal was thus to destroy Catholic ethne (Greek for nations) and castrate them and melt them into a disassociated, Godless, suburban “whiteness.” From a governance perspective it was a shrewd divide and conquer strategy for the establishment: the blacks and Catholics were both reproducing too fast for the comfort of the ruling elite. Why not create antagonism between them? The war between black criminality that saw its peak in the 1970s and police departments often staffed by Irish and Italians are in effect an endless proxy war where both sides are set up to lose.
Dennis J. Clark
E. Michael Jones seems to have gone over Dennis J. Clark’s voluminous personal diaries with a fine-toothed comb at Notre Dame. A famous Philadelphia area historian of Irish Americans, Jones paints a Clark should not be celebrated and perhaps should be reviled or pitied instead.
We learn that Dennis Clark was born to a poor Irish Catholic family in Philadelphia in 1927. He went to St. Joseph’s College and becomes interested in housing. He adopts the mainstream WASP/Jewish establishment views on government racial housing policies at face value. For example, Clark effectively adopted Wirth’s views that a technical modern society required manpower from non-whites to realize.
In 1957, Clark is 30 and upwardly mobile. He gets a job at the Philadelphia Commission on Human Relations or CHR, which the author classifies as a Quaker influenced establishment association. He ends up working to move black families into the same neighborhood where he grew up - Kensington in Philadelphia. The ethnic Irish in that neighborhood would often react violently to these efforts, throwing rocks at the black family’s house, for example. Clark would try to cool down the situation. These government initiatives also typically involved covert spying operations to suppress the ethnic Catholic backlash.
E. Michael Jones sees Clark as a traitor, since if his efforts to bring black families into the neighborhood were successful, they would fundamentally undermine the Catholic/ethnic/Irish nature of the neighborhood that he grew up in. At that time many of the ethnics see Clark as a traitor too. One time, Clark must leave Kensington under police escort. Another time, an Italian guy chases Clark with a razor.
Clark’s legacy is what Kensington is today. It is a morally down-trodden place, full of homeless and opiate addicts, ethnically cleansed of its once Irish and Catholic nature.
Jones paints other instances where Clark seems willing to put his career above the well-being of his family and community. In 1961, Dennis Clark leaves Philadelphia. He goes to New York to pursue what he calls a gamble. He works for the Catholic Interracial Council, yet another organization that supports moving black families into Catholic neighborhoods. Clark ends up director of that organization but resigns in 1963 after about a year in the role. The organization had funding issues that Clark was in no capacity to overcome as donors started to either support groups like the NAACP or decided that the Catholic Interracial Council had aims detrimental to Catholicism. Clark seems to get caught in the middle. His wife suffers a miscarriage the same day he resigns from this gamble.
Much of the book is about Dennis Clark’s psychological conflicts related to his career, his identity as an Irishman, his faith, and his role as a father. He returns to Philadelphia, where, Clark becomes involved with Ford Foundation initiatives, Temple University and, ultimately, he no longer works on racial matters and instead is a director at the Fels Foundation. He loses his idealism on both racial and religious matters. By the 1970s, the author writes, Clark strays from being a practicing Catholic and sends his children to the Abington Friends school, a Quaker school. The author suggest that Celtic nationalism becomes an escape. And his family life sees troubles both common to ethnics who become suburbanites and troubles that are peculiar to Mr. Clark himself. On that note, this book has a rather scandalous ending befitting a Lifetime movie, further damning to Clark’s legacy. Dennis J. Clark dies in 1993.
Martin Luther King
Besides the story of Clark and the fights around ethnic neighborhoods in Philadelphia and the psychological fallout of people being separated from their national traditions, the book details Martin Luther King’s offensive on the Chicago housing market. Today even ardent conservatives seem happy to subscribe to King’s ideal of judgement by character than skin color, but Jones’ book shows that the real King was a rabble rouser that brought about disorder in Chicago with no positive effect for anyone. King, a saint in the foundational myths taught about America today and enshrined in Westminster Abbey of the deprecated faith of the Church of England, once says “F***ing is a form of anxiety reduction.”
In Chicago, the Catholic Interracial Council supports King’s efforts. (The Catholic Church in Chicago saw the most subversion from Saul Alinsky.) King also meets with several gangs in Chicago including the Blackstone Rangers. This is not a coincidence, the author argues. Martin Luther King’s main goal in Chicago, he says, is to create social disorder.
At one point in Chicago there is an interracial picnic coupled with a march organized by Martin Luther King and Jesse Jackson. Then, as in today’s marketing world, the goal of the social engineers was to demoralize the true followers of Christ with the message “the blacks are taking your women.” Indeed, E. Michael Jones says it was almost exclusively black male-white female couples at that picnic, but he points out, that the ethnics knew that those women were not really “their women,” but likely Protestant women selling their bodies to support the ends of their establishment.
The twisted approach to sex of Martin Luther King that is apparent in both his personal life and political tactics is not an aberration. Sexuality becomes an obsession of the WASP/Jewish establishment starting with their forsaking of Christianity as a religion with explanatory power and picking up Freudian psychological world views instead. Abortion becomes a tool to separate sex from reproduction. Through the homicide of millions of babies, the problem of out-of-control black or Catholic population expansion is contained. Furthermore, birth control promotes destabilizing sexual deviancy like homosexual sex acts and women having numerous sexual partners. This is promoted through Jewish cultural outlets like marketing agencies, the public relations departments of major corporations and “mainstream” news sources. Having successfully destroyed the cities as centers of Catholic culture in the cultural revolution of the 1960s, this is the current front of the Protestant/Jewish war on the Christian social structure. E. Michael Jones discusses how “sexual liberation” is in fact a form of control in more detail in his book Libido Dominandi, which he references numerous times in Slaughter of Cities. And so, Martin Luther King is held in the highest esteem by the establishment social engineers who trace their origins to the 1960s while in any other time before he would be considered a sexual degenerate.
Perhaps not surprisingly, King was not uniformly well received by Catholics in Chicago, and he says the resistance he meets was worse than any place in the South. On one occasion, when Martin Luther King gets out of his car in the Marquette Park neighborhood, he gets tagged with a rock.
King gathers 30,000 people in the summer of 1966 at Soldier Field then marches to City Hall. After King’s agitations play out, the Catholic mayor Richard J. Daley made promises with regard to concessions in housing, promises that did not amount to much.
About a year later, however, the Blackstone Rangers get a federal grant of almost $1 million from the Office of Economic Opportunity, a federal organization, with help from bureaucrat Sargent Shriver formerly of the Chicago Catholic Interracial Council. The grant was intended to support vocational training.
Eventually, it is found out that the gang is involved in illegal activities like drug dealing even in places like the First Presbyterian Church in Woodlawn Chicago. There is a big scandal that leads to a Senate investigation, and two gang leaders, Eugene “Bull” Hairston and Jeff Fort, end up in prison soon after.
The excesses of the WASP/Jewish alliance in the 1960s, leads to a Catholic ethnic revival. Frank Rizzo is elected Mayor of Philadelphia in 1972. Richard Nixon wins the presidency in the 1968 election thanks to an ethnic Catholic/Sunbelt Protestant alliance. (The Sunbelt Protestants are building new homes in California and Arizona and not as afraid of Catholic domination as the east coast WASP elite.) Nixon’s reelection in 1972 was a resounding victory for Republicans. Nixon’s running mate was the son of a Greek immigrant, Spiro Agnew. The Republican ticket demolished the Democrat opponents: George McGovern and his running mate Sargent Shriver. But the WASP elite, through the muckraking Washington Post, over time gnawed away at Nixon’s presidency.
Detroit and the Poles
Besides the story of Clark and the fights around ethnic neighborhoods in Philadelphia and King’s foray in Chicago, the book covers other cities, including stories from Boston and Detroit.
The way corporate interests leveled their heavy hand against Polish Catholics in Detroit is perhaps most berserk. As early as the 1940s, a Polish Catholic neighborhood is singled out for destruction in the previously described method, with the construction of the “Sojourner Truth” housing projects to house black workers in the defense industry. In the summer of 1981, women have to be ripped from the altar of the Immaculate Conception Church in Poletown, when it is destroyed via eminent domain to make way by a GM plant, with help from a black mayor Coleman Young, in a particularly grievous display of Protestant corporate/government overreach.
E. Michael Jones demonstrates that the Poles are fiercely independent and fiercely Catholic. As such, their ethnic and linguistic bonds are strong, solidifying their resistance to their neighborhoods being broken by the injection of blacks to bolster establishment commerce, blacks who are of a different language, genetic disposition and typically of the Protestant faith who are often sent in to support Protestant factory owners.
The Irish higher ranking members of the Catholic church look willing to undermine the Polish parishes to win points from the establishment, however, and Jones explain that this conflict dynamic gives birth to the Polish National Church, which moved to free itself of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in the United States, while maintaining Catholic traditions.
Where no other serious intellectual works does, E. Michael Jones book offers compelling extremely well-annotated explanations to explain the single pervading question of American urban history. Why did massive government expenditure and the work of the cream of the WASP/Jewish intellectual class make cities more violent, more Godless, and simply uglier places?
